The Social Construction of Black Masculinity:
(Re) Presentations in the American Pop Culture

Introduction

According to White and Cones, (1999, 67) "in contemporary America, the distorted images of Black masculinity projected by the media and social scientists are an ongoing phenomenon." African-American males are typecast as entertainers, clowns, and super-athletes.This work inquires into the social relations and cultural perspectives in which contemporary representations of black masculinity are manufactured and distributed. By acknowledging the dense intertextual nature of electronic visual media, my desire is to "make sense" of how these (re) presentations inform the social construction of masculinity. This paper will investigate the (re) presentation of black masculinity in the media and the social construction of black masculinity. The culture of the construction and "making sense" of male development and masculinity within the notions of the social construction of black masculinity will be explored as well.

(Re) Presentation of Black Masculinity With/In the Media

According to Hanke, 1998 the relationship between masculinity and the media first came to focus in the 1970s. Masculinity is represented and defined in various media, genre, texts, or icons. Black masculinity is presented as well, but often times in opposition to the "other" and/or dominant culture. Representations of black masculinity in the United States are historically structured by and against dominant (and dominating) discourses of masculinity and race, specifically (whiteness).
The black jazz men of the 1950's & 60's such as, Miles (Davis) and John (Coltrane) and the Rap &Hip Hop Artists of the 1980's & 90's such as, Sean Combs (Puff Daddy) and O'Shea Jackson (Ice Cube) are particularly emblematic of the complex social relations (race, class, sexual) and cultural politics surrounding the self-construction and representation of the black masculine in the public sphere. These artists like their contemporaries enacted a black identity (masculinity) that not only challenged whiteness but also exiled it to the (cultural margins) of blackness. Through their work blackness becomes a powerful symbol of masculinity/identity.
One irony of our present moment is that just as young black men are murdered, maimed, and imprisoned in record numbers, their styles have become disproportionately influential in shaping popular culture. For most young black men, power is acquired by stylizing their bodies over space and time in such a way those there bodies reflect their uniqueness and provoke fear in others. To be 'bad' is good not simply because it subverts the language of the dominant white culture, but also because it imposes a unique kind of order for young black men on their own distinctive chaos and solicits an attention that makes others pull back with some trepidation.
This young black male style is a form of self-identification and resistance in a hostile culture; it also is an instance of machismo identity ready for violent encounters (West, 1993).
The statistics show a clear disadvantage to being born black and male in America: Black males have higher rates than white males on mental disorders, unemployment, poverty, injuries, accidents, infant mortality, morbidity, AIDS, homicide and suicide, drug and alcohol abuse, imprisonment, and criminality. African American males have poorer incomes, life expectancy, access to health care, and education.

The Social Construction of Black Masculinity

The historical evolution of the gender identity of African American males presents many problems for analysts due, in large part, to the quality and paucity of the remaining data, that spared by the ravages of the legacy of capture, importation, and enslavement. It is clear, nevertheless, that at the level of values, attitudes, and behaviors, distinct characteristics of African American males can be discerned.
Previous research has shown that while many elements within the values, attitudes, and behaviors of white and black males are shared, the total configuration differs in terms of quantity, quality, and their relationships to each other. While this can be partially attributed to the legacy of African culture, more significant causal factors derive from the dialectic of development of African American slavery and its Jim Crow aftermath, and, more recently, the social dynamics of black urban life (Booker, 1997). Of singular importance in this regard, is the evolving male role as African American males themselves perceived it, against that which the larger, white society perceived.
Those scholars, who pinpoint the black male dilemma as deriving basically from the gap existing between the ideal male gender role for the overall American society and the actual ability of black males to realize it, miss the mark. Throughout American history, black males were not, in fact, expected to be able to fulfill the ideal male gender role. Indeed, it was made abundantly clear that severe repercussions would follow if they made serious and persistent efforts to do so. Exercising power, at the economic, political, social, and cultural level, was not only not expected it was fervently opposed. Indeed, this was the source for innumerable violent conflicts, notably lynching, program-like invasions of the African American communities, and lesser forms of repression (Booker, 1997).
Black males and females of every period were quite aware that of these iron ceilings placed upon their advancement and of the restrictions that bound their every movement. For this reason, these barriers were regarded as a fact of black life, a clearly observable injustice, and this premise was embodied in the historically molded gender role values that emerged within Africa America. Thus, notions of the proper methods to respond to systematic injustice were and are an integral element of the evolving African American masculinity.
The dialectic of development for white males was historically linked to the underdevelopment of African American males. Slavery, reconstruction, Jim Crow, and other forms of exploitation served to transfer resources from blacks to whites. While there are some parallels between the social construction of white masculinity and that of blacks, it is notable that in almost every instance of, for example, war, technological change, or migratory movement, the lived experiences, perceptions, and the responses of black and white males to these challenges were distinct. In particular, the African American male experience with war has left a significant imprint on their masculine, attitudes, and behavior.
From the American Revolution, when some took advantage of Lord Dunmore's offer of liberty upon enlistment with the British, through the Spanish-American War when black heroism seemed unappreciated outside of the black community, to the Persian Gulf War, when returning veterans were greeted by mysterious illnesses, and unemployment--disillusionment, bitterness and, constrastingly, a new determination to smash the remaining obstacles to free travel, full employment, and full respect for African Americans, have characterized the mood of returning black soldiers (Booker, 1997).
In the aftermath of the defeat of the Confederacy, the Ku Klux Klan arose as a white male organization dedicated to the repression of blacks through the exhibition of what they regarded as "manly character" and "courage." The Klan's initiation oath stressed manliness and ended with "God give us men." This historical oppositional cultural current within black male America continues to play a role and can be seen in the diminished enthusiasm of black males for certain aspects of the mainstream American culture including the arenas of conventional business and politics.

Culture of Construction

According to Kroeber and Kluckhohn (1952) culture consists of patterns, explicit and implicit, of and for behavior acquired and transmitted by symbols, constituting the distinctive achievements of human groups. This also includes their embodiments in artifacts. Kroeber and Kluckhohn (1952) also presents the essential core of culture consists of traditional (i.e. historically derived and selected) ideas and especially their attached values; culture systems may, on the one hand, be considered as products of action, and on the other as conditioning elements of further action.
In the national African American community in general, the concept of Black culture is generally viewed and accepted as a severely limited one (Madhubuti, 1990). When educating black children, the culture of this group as a potential force for political, economic, and social development is given very little attention during the "schooling" process.
The educational process in which African-American children engage reflects European cultural and educative hegemony. Madhubuti (1990) asserts that many African-Americans view the concept of "culture" as an invisible entity:

To most of us, culture, as a concept, is abstract - that is, one does not actually observe culture. Yet, we all experience its manifestations, such as clothing, art, music, housing, weapons, films, literature, language, food, political, educational and social organizations and economic structures. (p. 5)

Ethnicity, and not race, should serve as the descriptor for defining our social culture. The consensus seems to be that social class and ethnicity interacts in the shaping of human behavior, but this interaction is a complex process (Havinghurst, 1976).
"The black male's cultural signature is his cool. It is sometimes the only source of pride, dignity, and worth in the absence of the outward status symbols of materialism and title that mark success in American culture. His status rides on his ability to communicate through human encounters, the most important information about himself: his coolness. Because it is so prized, preserving cool becomes an end in itself. (Majors & Billson)
Compensating for feelings of insecurity in a Eurocentric world has led the African-American male particularly the youth to redefine what it means to be a man in the present world. For most, this includes risk taking, machismo, aggressive social skills and sexual promiscuity. The noted mannerisms include physical posture, style of clothing, dialect, walking style, greeting behaviors, and overall demeanor (Harris, 1995). Or what I prefer to call the Diamond in the Back, Sunroof top, digging the scene wit a gangster-lean�profile. Richard Majors and Janet Billson collectively refer to these attitudes and behaviors as "Cool Pose."The black male is socialized to view every white man as a potential enemy, every symbol of the dominant system as a potential threat. Because of this, he is reluctant to expose his innermost feelings. Playing it cool becomes the mask of choice. Cool pose is a well-developed and creative art; it also exacts a stiff price in repressed feelings and suppressed energy.
African-Americans and African-American males in particularly have resisted domination since slavery. African-American males historically have rejected exclusion and marginalization. Genovese (1974) explains, that enslaved Africans developed a culture of resistance to the institution of slavery and demonstrated their opposition through their language and communication patterns, their work rhythms, and their frequent running away from their burden of slavery (quoted in Kreisberg, 1992 p. 17).
"These oppositional practices have been lived out and elaborated upon over the years, and constitute core cultural elements in the urban Black community today" (Weis, 1988, p. 185). This has been demonstrated consistently within our schools. The behavior of Black males can be viewed in Kreisberg terms, as resistant forces. Many Black males resistant "playing" the "school game." They deceive teachers, refuse to complete homework, smoke and sell "dope" in school bathrooms, delay the beginning of classes, and wear clothing and utilize language that is often offensive to adults. Therefore the culture of Black males can be identified as a "culture of resistance."

Male Development and Masculinity

Researchers have demonstrated that males exhibit different psychosocial and developmental styles; that teachers perceive males differently from females; and that without intervention, these differences can adversely affect the educative process and achievement of males (Soderman and Phillips, 1986). Akbar (1991) asserts that "maleness" is a mentality that operates with the same principles as biology, that is, it is a determined biological fact, which is in no way subject to choice.
Dr. Akbar contends that this mentality is dictated by appetite and physical determinants and guided by instincts, urges, and desires, and feelings. Akbar (1991) continues to assert that the "male mentality" is predicated on a sexist and objectified perception of manhood and predominates only in males who are not willing to take the prerogatives and responsibilities of "real manhood."
Based on this premises, Dr. Akbar contends that in order for Black males to transform into the stage of Black "men" (that is, responsible, productive citizens), their culture and orientation must be understood. According to Majors (1992) European Americans often view the lifestyle and culture of inner city Black males as threatening, aggressive, and intimidating. Majors (1992) view the nature of inner-city Black males as "cool pose," that is, he is characterized as "being cool," "with the program," and "in the house." Major (1992) defines this inner city Black male disposition as

[a] Distinctive coping mechanism that serves to counter, at least in part, the dangers that black males encounter on a daily basis. As a performance, cool pose is designed to render the black male visible and to empower him; it eases the worry and pain of blocked opportunities�. Cool pose is constructed from attitudes and actions that become firmly entrenched in the black male's psyche as he adopts a fa�ade to ward off the anxiety of second-class status. It provides a mask that suggests competence, high self-esteem, control, and inner strength. It also hides self-doubt, insecurity, and inner turmoil. (p. 5)

A dilemma of the inner city Black male is his quest to exhibit masculinity; he is too often grounded in "masking strategies" that require him to deny and suppress his feelings. He is highly attractive; he is perceived and perceives himself as the epitome of control, strength, and pride. However, even in his "charismatic, suave, debonair, entertaining" persona, he presents himself as a "mysterious challenge" (Majors 1992, p.2).

Conclusion

The stigmatization of African-American males has been embraced not only by European Americans, but by African-Americans as well. The dominant culture continues to perpetuate negative imagery of African American males through media, film and music. National broadcasts of African-American males being apprehended by law enforcement locally and regionally is a daily ritual. This imagery further perpetuates the demise of the African-American male. Damen (1987) presents to us that "culture is learned and shared human patterns or models for living; day-to-day living patterns; those models and patterns pervade all aspects of human social interaction; and culture is mankind's primary adaptive mechanism" (p.367). Based on this definition of culture then what the media reports constructs a framework of stigmatization of the black male through the culture of the media. Media representations of black masculinity operate within the cultural politics of blackness on yet another important (and for some) oppositional front. This figure of black masculinity marks the racial and cultural boundaries of a counter-hegemonic blackness, which stands for the black nation, the black family, and the authentic black (male) self. We must eradicate negative (re) presentations of black males with anti-stereotypical images that showcase the positive role models and individuals that are present in the African-American community.

References